Bruce Bartlett, Matt Yglesias, Kevin Drum, and Jonathan Bernstein offered different dissents from Erick Erickson’s to my column on how the post 1970s emphasis on “transparency” has weakened Congress’ ability to “get things done.”
Bartlett and Yglesias suggested that the real change was the fading of the power of conservative Southern Democrats after 1970, aligning the party divide closer to an ideological divide.
Kevin Drum thinks that liberals should blame themselves for their own failure to persuade. (Always a good idea!)
And Bernstein thinks the whole argument misplaced: it’s the filibuster in the Senate, not the lack of effective leadership in the House that is the real problem.
* * *
Bartlett & Yglesias: yes, something to that, clearly. Yet there remained many conservative Southern Democrats in Congress well into the 1980s, and even if the reality of a new multiracial electorate pushed the group somewhat to the left, they continued to share at least as much with their Republican counterparts as with their more liberal fellow Democrats. Yet the 1980s are the period where Congress seriously begins to fail at its first responsibility: balancing the budget, aligning ends with means.
More to the point: the reforms of the 1970s in themselves intensified the partisan divide.
By bringing the work of the committees into fuller public view, the 1970s reforms enabled interest groups – including ideological and partisan activists – to track the work of Congress more closely. With their work in committee more closely monitored, members of Congress came under greater pressure to heed the wishes of the pressure groups to whom they looked for finance as the old parties receded. You might be a conservative Southern Democrat – you might be willing to cut a quiet deal with your Republican colleagues to restrain spending growth and balance the budget – but AARP was looking over your shoulder the whole time.
As I said to Erick Erickson the other day, it’s way too glib to equate the new power of these organized groups with “the people.” “The people” – the 122 million person electorate – does not care much about specific decisions of Congress. They want prosperity, employment, and security, and if they get them, don’t ask too many questions about this vote or that. But the ACLU and the ACU and the others do care a great deal, and transparency inserts them right into the middle of the room.
More to come…


































sinz54 // Mar 3, 2010 at 9:39 am
Bartlett and Yglesias suggested that the real change was the fading of the power of conservative Southern Democrats after 1970, aligning the party divide closer to an ideological divide.
I think that was a major part of it, yes.
They want prosperity, employment, and security, and if they get them, don’t ask too many questions about this vote or that.
Not any more.
Notice how polls show that the public opposes the ObamaCare bill–even though they approve of its goals in principle. Some polls have probed further to understand just what it is they don’t approve of. It turns out that what they don’t approve of is the process–the huge size and incomprehensible complexity of the bill, and the special deals (especially the one made with Bill Nelson and the one Obama made with the pharmaceutical industry).
In the age of the Internet and cable TV, the process is now dissected endlessly by blogs and commentators, and shown on C-SPAN and YouTube for all to see. And the public is getting its first real look at how Congress really makes sausage, something that was rarely discussed by Cronkite or Huntley-Brinkley on those nightly network news shows. And they don’t like it.
The deals and carrots and sticks and parliamentary maneuvers to get ObamaCare passed (or to block it) used to be par for the course. LBJ was guilty of much worse to get his Great Society program passed. But in the age of the Internet, the public is no longer apathetic about it. They’re looking at it and rejecting it.
Carney // Mar 3, 2010 at 9:49 am
Is it Congress’ FIRST responsibility to balance the budget? I don’t think so. During wars or recessions, deficit spending is necessary.
mlloyd // Mar 3, 2010 at 12:39 pm
Interesting post, David. Which special interests have the most power, and how and where do they exercise it? I’d be interested to hear your reaction to the Citizen’s United case– should there be a legislative response? Does Canada’s experience in funding elections inform your views?
Yester-House, Yester-Senate, Yesterday « Around The Sphere // Mar 3, 2010 at 5:26 pm
[...] Frum responds to Erickson. Frum responds to Bartlett, Yglesias, and [...]